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Who Gets Hurt When Congress Cuts Healthcare and Food Aid? Everyone But the Rich.

To protect millions from devastating cuts, we must make our voices impossible to ignore.

People protest upcoming Medicaid cuts in Washington, D.C., on May 22, 2025. The House passed a bill to support President Trump’s domestic agenda this morning which will force strict work requirements on Medicaid recipients. (Astrid Riecken / The Washington Post via Getty Images)

House Republicans just passed a “big, beautiful” budget bill that would devastate basic needs programs for the most vulnerable Americans in order to pay for tax breaks for the rich. It now heads to the Senate, where Republicans aim to pass a final version by July 4.

They continue to claim their proposed Medicaid and SNAP cuts are necessary to “fix” broken systems. They argue that these cuts won’t affect vulnerable families—that the people who rely on these programs won’t be harmed. But that claim is dangerously misleading. 

In reality, these cuts will devastate the lives of millions of Americans who rely on Medicaid and SNAP for basic survival. These programs provide vital care, food and service to disabled adults, seniors, children, working families and rural communities. The cuts proposed by Republicans in Congress would slash life-saving benefits and rip away basic services from the people who rely on them most. 

During a recent committee markup on the Hill, Rep. Debbie Dingell (D-Mich.) read aloud from the letter of Taylor Johnson, a Michigan mother whose 6-year-old son has Down syndrome and relies on Medicaid for speech and physical therapy. As Johnson and her son stood in the committee room, their presence brought powerful emotional weight to the hearing.

In response, Republican Rep. Dan Crenshaw of Texas dismissed concerns that families like hers would be impacted by the proposed Medicaid cuts. The moment generated national media attention, exposing the deep disconnect between lawmakers and the families their decisions affect. 

But Crenshaw’s claims simply aren’t true.

Medicaid cuts would force states to eliminate services like those Taylor Johnson’s son relies on, leading to over 10 million people losing coverage—including 3.5 million children, 1.6 million seniors and 2.3 million adults with disabilities. These cuts would result in more than 34,000 avoidable deaths per year, with disproportionate impacts in rural and low-income communities across the country.

Meanwhile, cuts to the largest federal food assistance program, SNAP, would jeopardize the health of over 42 million Americans who rely on it.  

The real power in Johnson’s story and stories like hers is that they humanize the impact of these policies. Thanks to voices like hers, we can understand that these aren’t just numbers being debated on Capitol Hill—these politicians’ decisions could upend the lives of millions of families, children and seniors. In this way, strategic storytelling can show lawmakers what their decisions truly mean for the Americans they’re paid to represent. 

As everyday Americans concerned about how these drastic cuts to programs like Medicaid and SNAP will impact our families, we should be elevating more stories like Taylor Johnson’s—stories from the communities who stand to lose the most if these budget cuts are rammed through Congress. 

For example, single mothers who rely on SNAP to keep food on the table are at grave risk. Angelica Garcia is a single mom from Tucson, Ariz., raising three kids on her own. Her family relies on both Medicaid and food stamps to get by. Because the cost of basic living—rent, food, gas—is so steep, she said if she loses access to these programs, she doesn’t know if her kids would survive.

Disabled adults who rely on home- and community-based services also have much to lose from these budget cuts.

When a horrific swimming accident left him quadriplegic during his freshman year in college, Alex Watters from Sioux City, Iowa, said his life changed permanently. Right now, Medicaid pays for his home care and therapy. If these cuts are passed, his only alternative will be to move into a nursing home at 38 years old. 

The American Stories We Need to Tell

To make an impact, we must find effective, unique ways to share stories like Taylor Johnson’s, Alex Watters’ and Angelica Garcia’s.

Presenting stories in government hearing rooms is one powerful way to break through political noise. Whether it’s Rep. Dingell reading Johnson’s letter aloud while she and her son stood in the room, or Rep. Marc Veasey (D-Texas) phoning a constituent and letting them share their story live during that same committee hearing, these moments can grab lawmakers’ attention, invite responses and generate media coverage well beyond D.C. First-person narratives instill emotional depth and authenticity into otherwise stuffy meetings, moving politicians and the public alike.

Participating in interviews with local media is another powerful storytelling tool in legislative fights like these, enabling everyday Americans to publicly name their members of Congress—creating impactful clips that amplify pressure from local constituents.

Writing letters to the editor and op-eds offer another effective way to call out representatives by name and shape public discourse.

Digital content, such as interviews with creators or selfie videos, helps inform wider audiences across the country—an especially crucial tactic as this fight gains momentum both locally and nationally.

Additionally, repurposing tweets as screenshot graphics performs particularly well on social media, offering a persuasive and highly shareable format to spread key messages. 

We have around two months to stop this bill from becoming law. As it moves to the Senate, we must continue building and amplifying platforms that let constituent voices permeate government decision-making—whether that takes place in the halls of Congress, via news feeds or in the inboxes of their representatives. Stories alone won’t stop bad policy. But they can challenge indifference, mobilize public pressure and drive home the real cost of cutting life-saving programs for American families.

Editor’s note: Have a story to tell about how cuts to healthcare or food aid would affect you or your community? We want to hear from you. Pitch your story to Ms. as an op-ed; learn more at msmagazine.com/submissions.

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Daily Show for May 28, 2025

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Thousands of Palestinians Storm Aid Distribution Site in Gaza

Welcome back to World Brief, where we’re looking at the threat of famine in Gaza, minimal progress for Russia-Ukraine peace efforts, and a car ramming in the United Kingdom.


Widespread Hunger

Chaos erupted at an aid distribution site in the southern Gaza city of Rafah on Tuesday, when thousands of Palestinians stormed a facility where the U.S.- and Israel-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) was handing out food.

Welcome back to World Brief, where we’re looking at the threat of famine in Gaza, minimal progress for Russia-Ukraine peace efforts, and a car ramming in the United Kingdom.


Widespread Hunger

Chaos erupted at an aid distribution site in the southern Gaza city of Rafah on Tuesday, when thousands of Palestinians stormed a facility where the U.S.- and Israel-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) was handing out food.

According to locals, the volume of people seeking aid became so great that the Israel Defense Forces opened fire from a helicopter to dispel the crowds. The Israeli military denied doing so, though it did admit to firing warning shots outside of the compound. And the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation said that its team had to pull back to allow people to “take aid safely and dissipate” to avoid casualties.

At the same time—and without evidence—Israel and the GHF accused Hamas of trying to block civilians from reaching the aid distribution site. Hamas has denied the allegations.

“The real cause of the delay and collapse in the aid distribution process is the tragic chaos caused by the mismanagement of the same company operating under the Israeli occupation’s administration in those buffer zones,” said Ismail al-Thawabta, the director of the Hamas-run Gaza government media office, in an interview with Reuters on Tuesday. “This has led to thousands of starving people, under the pressure of siege and hunger, storming distribution centres and seizing food, during which Israeli forces opened fire.”

The Gaza Humanitarian Foundation is a controversial new Israel- and U.S.-backed group—composed of American private security contractors, former military officials, and humanitarian aid officials—that has been tasked with distributing food since Israel lifted its almost three-month blockade on aid entering the territory. By late afternoon on Tuesday, the GHF said it had provided around 462,000 meals to Palestinians.

However, the United Nations and international aid agencies have boycotted the foundation for its apparent close ties to the Israeli government and reported plans to use facial recognition technology to track who accesses its aid. Israeli officials maintain that such measures are necessary to prevent anyone connected to Hamas from receiving the assistance. However, many Palestinians and rights activists fear that such information could allow the Israeli government to track and potentially target Gaza residents.

“Humanitarian assistance must not be politicized or militarized,” said International Committee of the Red Cross spokesperson Christian Cardon, with Norwegian Refugee Council chief Jan Egeland adding that “[w]e cannot have a party to the conflict decide where, how, and who will get the aid.”

The foundation received further criticism from its own head, Jake Wood, after he unexpectedly resigned on Sunday, shortly before the group was set to begin operating, saying it was unable to operate independently. “It is clear that it is not possible to implement this plan while also strictly adhering to the humanitarian principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence, which I will not abandon,” Wood said in a statement distributed by the GHF.

Widespread hunger remains a major concern in Gaza, where the 19-month war and weekslong aid blockade have caused significant food shortages and skyrocketing prices. Since Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu lifted the blockade this month, Israeli officials said they have allowed at least 665 truckloads of aid, including food and medical supplies, into Gaza. However, the U.N. World Food Program warned on Sunday that this assistance is but a “drop in the bucket” for what is needed to reverse the threat of famine in the territory.


Today’s Most Read


What We’re Following

Stalled peace efforts. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov met with Turkish Foreign Minister Hakan Fidan in Moscow on Tuesday to discuss ongoing efforts to end the Russia-Ukraine war. Fidan met with Russian President Vladimir Putin and lead Moscow negotiator Vladimir Medinsky the day before. Following largely failed direct talks in Istanbul earlier this month, though, peace efforts in the conflict have stalled, and many foreign powers are losing their patience.

Putin has gone “absolutely CRAZY!” U.S. President Donald Trump wrote on Truth Social on Sunday, adding that the Russian leader is “needlessly killing a lot of people.” On Tuesday, Trump reiterated this concern by posting that Putin is “playing with fire!” The Trump administration has previously championed its close relationship with Moscow and even parroted Kremlin talking points, such as the false claim that Ukraine started the war.

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz announced on Monday that Germany, France, the United Kingdom, and the United States would lift its restrictions on the range of weapons being sent to Ukraine for use against Russian forces. And on Tuesday, media reported that Trump is considering imposing additional sanctions on Moscow in the coming days in the aftermath of another deadly Russian drone and missile attack, which Ukrainian officials have called the largest such assault yet.

Car ramming in Liverpool. Four people remained in critical condition on Tuesday after a car plowed into a crowd of Liverpool soccer fans in the United Kingdom on Monday, injuring more than 50 attendees. British police believe that the incident was isolated and not an act of terrorism. It is unclear how the car gained access to the street where the Premier League was holding its 10-mile parade, of which around 1 million people attended.

The suspect is a 53-year-old white British man from the city of Liverpool. He has since been taken into custody.

The Liverpool area has been the site of several deadly incidents in recent years. Most notably, 97 Liverpool fans were killed during a crowd crush at Hillsborough Stadium in 1989. In 2021, a man detonated an explosive device outside of Liverpool Women’s Hospital. And last July, three young girls were stabbed at a dance studio just north of the city.

A Maduro victory. Venezuela’s ruling party claimed late Sunday to have won nearly 83 percent of the vote in this weekend’s legislative and regional elections. Among the biggest wins for President Nicolás Maduro’s United Socialist Party was securing control of the governor’s seat of Zulia; Zulia is the country’s most populous state, the center of its oil wealth, and one of the last opposition strongholds.

Maduro called the results a “victory of peace and stability,” as the opposition maintained control of the governorship of only one state, Cojedes. However, rights activists were quick to denounce the election, saying that it lacked the minimum requirements needed to be considered democratic.

Many opposition leaders—including exiled figure María Corina Machado and Edmundo González, the winner of last July’s disputed presidential election—urged their supporters to boycott the vote as a way to signify their distrust in the system. Evidence of voter fraud marred Venezuela’s presidential election last year, during which Maduro claimed victory to secure greater control of the country and crack down on political dissidents.


Odds and Ends

French President Emmanuel Macron kicked off his weeklong tour of Southeast Asia on Sunday with a bang—er, slap. Moments before disembarking from his plane in Vietnam, video footage caught Macron’s wife, Brigitte, pushing her husband in the face. While the French president has tried to laugh it off as the couple “joking around,” the look of annoyance on Macron’s face post-shove says it all.

#Thousands #Palestinians #Storm #Aid #Distribution #Site #Gaza

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Elon Thought He Could Rule Washington

Elon Musk’s political play didn’t go as planned. Rep. Ro Khanna joins Sam Stein to talk about what Musk got wrong, why grades matter, and how Democrats should push back on both extremes.

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The Vampire Consultant Class Wants the Democratic Party’s Blood (and Money)

(Composite / Photos: Shutterstock)

RAHM EMANUEL FAMOUSLY said that one should “never want a serious crisis to go to waste.”

Now his party is facing a crisis—and Democratic consultants are keen on not letting it be wasted.

Over the past few months, the party’s consultant class has been pitching new ideas to help Democrats repair their damaged brand. They’re rubbing elbows with deep-pocketed donors at five-star hotels and pitching them on eight-figure strategies to reverse the party’s steady loss of support with working-class voters and to deal with a base increasingly made up of wealthy college-educated elites.

The efforts have caused a mini-uproar among professional Democrats, some of whom worry that the party will actually worsen the problem it’s trying to solve: looking painfully robotic as they outsource their efforts to come across as authentic.

“The people who are pitching clients on their solution to talk to working-class voters or young men—they’re looking at them like it’s a zoo and they’re just like, ‘Can you believe these people exist?,’” said Ammar Moussa, the director of rapid response for the Biden-turned-Harris campaign.

The dominance and ubiquity of the consultant class has been a longstanding problem for Democrats. In his 2006 book Politics Lost: How American Democracy Was Trivialized By People Who Think You’re Stupid, longtime Time magazine columnist Joe Klein argued that the political consultants had run amuck, sucking the life out of politicians with their message-tested speeches and leading to the decline of relatability in American politics.

Klein gave the example of a Jimmy Carter aide who one month after the 1976 election delivered the president-elect a 10,000-word memorandum on political strategies for incumbents, arguing that he needed a continuous polling operation and offering detailed suggestions, including that wearing cardigan sweaters would somehow help him remain popular. During the Clinton era, the consultant Dick Morris commissioned a 259-question survey to help inform Clinton on how to approach a State of the Union address.

“Democrats have always been this way, but it’s become even more so,” said James Carville, the lead strategist on Clinton’s successful 1992 campaign, in an interview with The Bulwark.

“People lose sight of the fact that politics is by and large a candidate-driven enterprise. But it is a Democratic article of faith that enough expertise and enough dollars can solve any problem, up to and including authenticity,” Carville added. Reflecting on the new projects that Democrats are now cooking up to combat Trump, he said: “They are just so reflective of the way that the institutional Democratic mind thinks.”

One of those new projects, as the New York Times reported, is code-named SAM—an acronym for “Speaking with American Men: A Strategic Plan.” The proposal is geared toward reversing Democrats’ declining appeal with young men, especially online, by studying “the syntax, language and content that gains attention and virality in these spaces.”

But that’s far from the only consultant-driven initiative that has some Democrats wondering just how much money the party intends to light on fire before the next election.

AND Media—another acronymized project that stands for Achieve Narrative Dominance—is hoping to raise $45 million to fund influencer content that moves away from “the current didactic, hall monitor style of Democratic politics that turns off younger audiences.” As the party continues its myopic search for the Joe Rogan of the left, Project Bullhorn, another new initiative aimed at boosting influencers, is asking for $35 million to fund left-leaning creators on YouTube.

The vast array of white papers and astroturfed podcast ideas betray the fact that Democrats still have little idea of how to talk to or connect with a significant segment of the country. And it suggests that the party is not grappling with the fundamental reason it’s not resonating with voters—not the methods by which its positions are communicated, but that the positions themselves are unpopular.

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NOT EVERY DEMOCRAT was willing to disregard the wave of consultant proposals as money sucks. Some even held out hope that they would prompt new, creative thinking; that the party needed to try out different ways of reaching people. However mockable their acronymized names might be, some strategists said that the projects being proposed are actually quite nuanced.

“Many, if not most, of the people who pitch this stuff are very smart and thoughtful and have identified real shit that needs doing,” said Pat Dennis, the president of the Democratic-led opposition research group American Bridge 21st Century, which has been involved in some of the ideas being pitched to donors. “Just like how Democrats in government always regulate every dollar we spend until we can’t do anything. . . . We do the same thing with campaign spending. We scrutinize every dime for if the Twitter cool kids like it.”

But others in the party, and those who recently left it, couldn’t help but contrast the consultant-driven approach to the one adopted by Donald Trump. Although some political consulting firms have emerged out of the Trump era, the president has largely relied on a tight-knit group of advisers and his own gut instincts. It has certainly been unconventional, a sewer of scandal, and driven our politics to a dangerous place. But the results have been two successful elections and a realignment of national politics.

“The Democrats don’t have a messaging problem so much as a leadership problem. Who speaks for the Democratic party? No one knows. They can’t resolve that, so they do what they know how to do—spend money on consultants,” said Andrew Yang, who ran an unsuccessful campaign for the 2020 Democratic primary nomination, before becoming an independent. “The longer the party resembles a corporate bureaucracy, the longer it will remain in the wilderness.”

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— Sen. Cory Booker has a new book deal following his record-setting Senate floor speech last month. Stand will be published November 11, perfect timing for the New Jersey senator to make some book-tour stops in Philadelphia and Atlanta and other cities that happen to be important for 2028 presidential hopefuls (just taking a guess here).

— House Democrats are planning on a June 24 caucus election to fill the party’s top job on the Oversight and Government Reform Committee following the death of Rep. Gerry Connolly (D-Va.), Politico’s Nick Wu reports. A caucus election might sound like a total snoozer. But as Nick writes, the contest is “shaping up to be a competitive four-way race that could test Democrats’ adherence to their seniority system for committee leadership and appetite to elevate younger members.”

Just a few months ago New York Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez lost her bid for the position against Connolly, which frustrated some members of the party who felt like it was time to pass the torch to a younger leadership (and given Connolly’s death, they had a good point). Reps. Jasmine Crockett of Texas, Stephen Lynch of Massachusetts, Kweisi Mfume of Maryland, and Robert Garcia of California are all expected to run for the position this time around.

Adam Friedland Could Be the Millennial Jon Stewart. But Does He Want That?

Fame and Frustration on the New Media Circuit

They’re 15. Wait Until You Read Their Newspaper.

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Tim and Katie Spill on 2028 Rumors, Trump’s Boring Wedding, and Fighting for Democracy

Tim Miller joins Katie Couric to discuss possible 2028 candidates, Trump-era corruption, media accountability int he changing tone of American politics, and Donald and Melania Trump’s boring wedding.

Watch Live with Katie Couric on Substack

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Bombs, Bills, & Big Drama | Tim on Vibe Check

Tim Miller joins Vibe Check to break down Trump’s “Big Beautiful Bill,” a controversial GOP push slashing Medicaid and taxes amidst economic chaos. They explore how Trump’s policies could impact working-class voters and the nation’s debt crisis. The conversation also highlights Pride, activism, and defending immigrants like Andre Hernandez, blending ser…

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Yes, They’re Coming for Obamacare (AGAIN!)

Jonathan Cohn and Andrew Egger break down how Republicans are quietly gutting Obamacare through a sweeping new bill. From Medicaid cuts to sabotage of ACA marketplaces, they explain what’s at stake and who stands to lose coverage.

You can read more from Andrew here

And check out Jonathan’s post here

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To Stop Losing the Culture Wars, Learn From Gay Marriage

Climate change used to be a bipartisan issue. So did abortion rights. Ditto immigration. In each case, the earlier bipartisan consensus was much more liberal than the current conservative credo. The Right gained ground, both achieving issue-specific policy outcomes and advancing electorally, by turning each issue into a culture war and then winning it.

The Left, by failing to understand the underlying grammar of culture wars, plays into the Right’s hands again and again. To stop being played, we need to study their playbook — and take stock of our own successes.

The greatest advance in reducing social inequality in the last three decades is the normalization and legalization of gay marriage, which profoundly shifted the material conditions of people’s lives and also changed deeply held understandings about the dignity of gay families and gay sex. The gay marriage template shows us how to fight for progressive social values without falling into the culture-war traps that the Right sets for us.

Culture wars are part of the deep structure of populism. To quote Democratic strategist David Kusnet, “There are two populist messages: #1 Left populism: They’re robbing you blind. #2. Right populism: They think they’re better than you. Progressives should stick with #1 and not fall into #2.”

In both recipes, the magic ingredient is resentment. There’s a lot of it to go around. The fragile and failing middle class is very angry, and they should be: If wage increases had continued to match productivity increases in recent decades, as they did after World War II, they would be 43 percent higher than today. This anger isn’t vanishing anytime soon. The only question is whether it will be directed at economic elites (“robbing you blind”) or cultural elites (“think they’re better than you”).

Far-right populism deflects anger away from economic elites onto cultural elites. This works because social class is expressed not just through economics but also through profound cultural differences. One central cultural fissure is the divide between self-development and self-discipline.

Middle-status workers highly value self-discipline and rule-following because that’s what’s needed to show up on time, without an “attitude,” take orders, and succeed in blue-, pink- and routine white-collar jobs. These workers also value the traditional institutions that anchor self-discipline. For example, the lower the education level, the higher the endorsement of traditional gender roles. This makes sense: in the eternal scrum for social honor, class ideals are unattainable, but nonelites can attain gender ideals. It is impossible to become a billionaire, but it is possible, through self-discipline, to be a “real” man.

The logic of life for order-givers is very different. Elites highly value self-development because they need to be at the top of their game to survive and thrive in professional and managerial jobs. Elites’ best move in the scrum for social honor is sophistication, which displays both their high human capital (“I am educated and intelligent”) and their moral capital (“I think things through for myself and am not bound by tradition”).

LGBTQ rights are a clear example of this divide. A 2022 poll found that nearly half of Americans with high-school educations or less, but only about a quarter of those with higher education levels, opposed gay marriage. Support for gay marriage rises as we scale the income ladder. Here we see the logic in action: elites’ concern for self-development extends to sexual expression, while their embrace of a wide range of genders and sexualities displays admirable sophistication.

Savvy economic elites use these class cultural divides to form alliances with nonelites. Think of Rupert Murdoch, via Fox News, intentionally building a coalition with average viewers via culture-war content that rails against “elites,” defined per David Kusnet’s populism #2. Tucker Carlson railed against elites in 70 percent of his shows between 2016 and 2021. Note that the target audience is not the poor: it’s middle-status people in routine jobs who have been pulled into these alliances, fueling the rise of the far right both in Europe and the United States.

The Right’s “they’re looking down on you” narrative taps something real: cultural elites do think of themselves as enlightened, and of nonelites as backward “deplorables.” Conservative elites understand the dynamics of culture wars far better than liberals do. It’s time for the Left to wise up.

Facing repeated defeat in a long string of culture wars, some liberal commentators are calling for the party to become more moderate. That’s never made sense to me. I’ve been a social justice warrior for forty years, since long before the Right turned those words into a culture-war epithet, and I can tell you that the only way to change deeply embedded power differentials is to be a pain in the ass. In 1996, only 27 percent of Americans supported gay marriage. By 2022, 71 percent did. That never would have happened if advocates had tamely accepted majority values.

But how you’re a pain matters a lot. And here the success of gay marriage is singularly instructive, providing a formula for defusing the culture wars without giving up on cherished values. When the gay liberation movement pivoted to gay marriage, it demonstrated literacy in the values of ordinary Americans and modeled how to invite them into the struggle for social justice without condescension.

A million mainstream pundits have argued that Democrats have a messaging problem, and huge amounts of donor money have gone into initiatives to change messaging. They haven’t worked for three reasons. First, they typically rely on focus groups that uncover the same blue-collar cultural values again and again, without a deeper understanding of how those cultural values are cherished for their ability to turn servitude into honor. Second, too often the assumption is that the only problem is a messaging problem, which can lead to campaigns that feel like attempts to manipulate less-educated voters, further reinforcing the “looking down on you” narrative. Third, and most important, changing messaging often isn’t possible unless it’s accompanied by something deeper: changing priorities.

Here’s an oft-forgotten fact: gay marriage was not a priority for many in the gay liberation movement. In the 1990s, many leaders saw marriage as patriarchal and “would have preferred a different battle,” as Matt Coles, who led the American Civil Liberties Union’s marriage equality initiative, told me. Gay activists at the time were far more interested in legal protections against discrimination and the broader liberation of sexual expression. In that context, inclusion into the retrograde institution of marriage seemed to many activists like an uninspiring fight.

The movement’s pivot to marriage “really came from, for lack of a better word, ordinary folks, with the most overwhelming support for marriage coming from people of color and low-income people,” Coles told me. Not until 1990 did he begin to understand the wisdom of centering marriage and its relationship to the movement’s overall objective of minimizing homophobia.

After Coles and others helped pass a domestic partnership law in California, the Alameda County clerk organized a big celebration, with heart balloons and a procession down the grand staircase by couples who had just tied the knot. As Coles reflected to me:

I said, I want nothing to do with this,and I’m not even going to hang around for it because I thought it performative. But I stood there and watched, and a couple of things leapt out at me. The people coming down the stairs were not doctors and lawyers; they were ordinary average people. I looked at their faces and said to myself, I get it now. It’s the prom and the wedding ceremony and everything rolled into one. They’re finally able to say to mom, yeah, I got married.

The push for gay marriage came from people who wanted to join the mainstream, not smash it. Gay liberation activists had the good sense to pay attention. Importantly, Coles and other leaders didn’t back away from other facets of LGBTQ rights. But they listened to nonelites and changed the order of their priorities in order to build a broad coalition.

This involved shifting away from the language that most appealed to the movement’s gatekeepers — the language of discrimination and legal rights — to the language of commitment. The ACLU conducted focus groups where that word came up again and again.

Coles began to understand that this emphasis on commitment — borrowed from the discipline side of the discipline vs. development divide — was critical to combating homophobia on a mass scale. Gay relationships were stereotyped as “tawdry, shabby things,” Coles told me. The key to “changing the way Americans thought about this was to show them not so much the consequences of discrimination as to show them the commitment.”

Gay liberation is a rare social movement that listened to nonelites and tapped the moral intuitions of ordinary people in order to realize progressive values. This is the path past far-right populism, which currently has a nigh-monopoly on the priorities of average Americans.

This advice differs sharply from the conventional wisdom that the only way for Democrats to bridge the diploma divide is for progressives to drop issues that are dear to them and become centrists. While it’s true that college grads of every racial group are more likely to identify as liberal than nongrads of their own group, it’s not true that nonelites are more centrist. In fact, people who identify as moderates are not necessarily more likely than liberals to embrace centrist positions — they’re called “moderates” because they hold a mix of liberal and conservative positions, often passionately so.

In an environment dominated by populist anger, becoming Republican-lite isn’t the answer. The answer is to respect that blue-collar values make sense in the context of blue-collar lives — and to develop the cultural competence to connect progressive goals with working-class priorities.

We won’t get anywhere by becoming tepid centrists who stand for nothing. But we do need to learn to listen respectfully to nonelites, be willing to make the trade-offs, and do the hard work of connecting to average people.

Great Job Joan C. Williams & the Team @ Jacobin Source link for sharing this story.

Maybe We Need a New Word for “Inequality”

It’s something beyond tragedy, beyond farce. The Trump administration and its Republican congressional allies are trying to pass the “One Big Beautiful Bill Act,” which would, among other measures, make Donald Trump’s 2017 tax cuts permanent. The total cost of the bill’s revenue-slashing provisions is expected to come in at $3.8 trillion over ten years. The rich will be the beneficiaries.

Republicans argue the tax cuts will create wealth. It’s simple, misleading, debunked trickle-down nonsense. As a growth strategy, it won’t work. It never does. Indeed, it’s hard to believe it’s even meant to. But as a giveaway to oligarchs — many of whom support the Trump administration and some of whom literally work for it — well, it will work just fine.

Over the last year or so, the richest handful of Americans did quite well for themselves while millions of others struggled to get through the day. The ten richest people in the country increased their wealth by $365 billion. Elon Musk himself managed to make a cool $186 billion — over half of the total increase.

As Matt Egan writes for CNN, the 2024–25 growth, from April to April, accounts for roughly a billion dollars a day in growth for the top ten. “By contrast,” he notes, “the typical American worker made just over $50,000 in 2023.” To put that in perspective: according to Oxfam, it “would take a staggering 726,000 years for 10 US workers at median earnings to make that much money.”

A 2022 report found that the top 10 percent of Americans hold 60 percent of the country’s wealth, with the top 1 percent nabbing 27 percent for themselves. Donald Trump’s bill would further entrench their advantages and expand their fortunes. To call this “wealth inequality” seems inadequate. It’s certainly unequal, but the scale, the magnitude of the disparity, warrants its own word. At some point, we’ll need to invent one to describe and capture the breadth and depth and perversity of this abomination.

Wealth and income inequality aren’t the same thing, but they track similarly skewed distributions of resources — and power. On both fronts, the United States performs poorly compared to its peer nations. When it comes to income inequality, it doesn’t even compare well to chapters of its own history. Historical parallels give some sense of just how extreme American inequality has become — and how deeply compromised, how utterly in the pocket of the wealthy, its executive and legislative branches now are.

In 2012, researchers found that incomes were “much more equally distributed in colonial America than in America today,” even accounting for chattel slavery. They estimated a Gini coefficient — a measure of inequality where 0 represents perfect equality and 1 represents total inequality — of 0.437. At the time, the top 1 percent took in 7.1 percent of gross income. In 2023, the US Gini score was 0.47, though some sources have it at 0.41. The data and methods vary, but the conclusion is the same: the United States is a land of entrenched inequality.

For comparison, researchers have estimated that the Gini coefficient for the Roman Empire was 0.46 and the Han Dynasty years in China was 0.48. As a 2011 Business Insider headline bluntly put it, “Even The Ancient Roman Empire Wasn’t As Unequal As America Today.” In contrast, European states tend to have scores in the 0.2 to 0.35 range.

None of this data should surprise anyone who’s been paying the least amount of attention to the trajectory of the United States in the previous several decades — particularly since the Reagan Revolution went all in on turning the country into a playground for the wealthy. Decades of deregulation and tax cuts for the rich have only deepened inequality in the US, both economic and political.

In 2012, scholars Martin Gilens and Benjamin Page released a paper entitled “Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens.” They found that “economic elites and organized groups representing business interests have substantial independent impacts on US government policy, while average citizens and mass-based interest groups have little or no independent influence.”

Gilens and Page didn’t use the word “oligarchy” to describe the US, exercising a measure of scholarly restraint. Still, the word came up in the paper and a few times in the bibliography, suggesting that the theme was quite clearly present. The media, however, has had no such reservations. Coverage of the paper included the term “oligarchy” over and over again. And rightly so. Accounting for wealth and income inequality and the fact that laws quite plainly were being written by and for the few rich and powerful, it was obvious. The United States was — and still is — an oligarchy.

There’s a chance that Trump’s “Big Beautiful” bill could fail — but the battle to secure tax breaks for the rich, as a project, will continue either way. The wealthy in the US write the laws; they own the politicians; they are firmly ensconced in the White House. It may matter whether a Democrat or Republican is president; it may matter whether the Democrats or Republicans hold a majority in the House of Representatives or the Senate; it may matter whether Democrats or Republicans are appointing justices to the Supreme Court; but for the purposes of serving oligarchy, it’s a matter of degree, not of type. The state and its constituent branches are thoroughly captured by and serve the wealthy.

Around the time of the French Revolution, France’s Gini coefficient score was an estimated 0.59, which is high, but not wildly higher than that of much of Europe at the time. Of course, the decades that followed, particularly in the middle of the next century, saw waves of popular revolutions. And while the causes of popular revolution are complex, particularly when sorting the immediate and long-term origins of uprising, there tends to be a common, if not universal, thread among them: namely, that the state doesn’t adequately address the needs of its people.

The United States isn’t on the brink of revolt — but it’s far down the sort of path that has, historically, led to popular unrest, or something far greater. The state has thoroughly abandoned everyday Americans and let oligarchs write its laws and reap the rewards — rewards made possible by the labor and sacrifices of the many. The rise in right populism is a symptom of, and a response to, this reality. Trump is both a beneficiary and cause, though not exclusively, of this populist surge, which is a form of contempt for the people he’s ostensibly meant to serve. His tax bill, which will only make things worse for the workers who support him, is emblematic of this contempt: a policy of extraction, a stress test of just how a people can be pushed before they finally say, “No more.”

Great Job David Moscrop & the Team @ Jacobin Source link for sharing this story.