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DOJ Abandons Effort to Address Phoenix’s Treatment of Homeless People

When a homeless man questioned the Phoenix police’s authority to stop him in February 2020, an officer grabbed him and knelt on his neck while another officer shocked him with a Taser. Another unhoused man said officers threw away his belongings, telling him, “You guys are trash and this is trash.” Other people experiencing homelessness were regularly cited and arrested by the city’s officers during early morning hours for “conduct that is plainly not a crime.”

Those were among the abuses alleged by the Department of Justice last June, following a nearly three-year investigation into the city of Phoenix and its police department. The investigation marked the first time the DOJ had found a pattern of violations against homeless people, including that officers and other city employees illegally threw away their belongings.

In addition, DOJ investigators found that officers disproportionately cited and arrested people experiencing homelessness. They comprised 37% of all Phoenix Police Department arrests from 2016 to 2022, though homeless people account for less than 1% of the population. Investigators said many of those stops, citations and arrests were unconstitutional.

The wide-ranging probe also found officers used excessive force, discriminated against people of color, retaliated against protesters and violated the rights of people with behavioral health disabilities — similar issues to those the DOJ has documented in troubled law enforcement agencies in other cities.

But federal officials announced Wednesday that they had abandoned efforts to compel the city and police to address those issues. The DOJ closed its investigations and retracted findings of constitutional violations in Phoenix and five other jurisdictions, including Trenton, New Jersey. Beyond that, the Department of Justice said it was dismissing Biden-era lawsuits against several other police departments, including in Louisville, Kentucky, and Minneapolis, where George Floyd was killed by police five years ago.

The DOJ said requiring the cities to enter consent decrees, which are intended to ensure reforms are enacted, would have “imposed years of micromanagement of local police departments by federal courts and expensive independent monitors, and potentially hundreds of millions of dollars of compliance costs, without a legally or factually adequate basis for doing so.”

The city of Phoenix said in a statement that it has “tirelessly focused on enhancing policy, training and accountability measures to ensure the best public safety for everyone who lives, works and plays in Phoenix.” In recent years, the city has enacted policy changes including employee training and the implementation of body-worn cameras.

Legal experts told ProPublica the wrongdoing the DOJ uncovered in Phoenix should be corrected — even though city officials will be under less pressure to act.

“It is a very real shame and a disservice to the residents of these communities to end the work, to stand down and unwind the investigations and to purport to retract the findings,” said Justin Levitt, a law professor at Loyola Marymount University and former deputy assistant attorney general in the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice.

The report’s retraction, along with last year’s Supreme Court decision allowing cities to arrest and cite people for sleeping outside even when they have nowhere else to go, could further embolden cities and police departments to marginalize homeless people, said Brook Hill, senior counsel with the Lawyers’ Committee for Civil Rights Under Law, a legal advocacy group that focuses on racial justice issues. “They will feel like they have a license to do the sweeps and to otherwise make life in public view uncomfortable for unhoused people,” he said.

Indeed, just last week California Gov. Gavin Newsom urged all local governments in that state to “use their authority affirmed by the U.S. Supreme Court” to address encampments.

After the DOJ began the Phoenix investigation in August 2021, Fund for Empowerment, an Arizona advocacy group for homeless people, and the American Civil Liberties Union of Arizona sued the city and police department to stop what attorneys called “unconstitutional raids” on unsheltered people. Its lawsuit accused the city of failing to provide housing and instead turning to encampment removals to clear sidewalks and other areas. “The City has made its message to unhoused individuals clear: engaging in sleep and other essential life activities on the city’s public grounds will lead to detention, arrest, displacement, and the loss of the individual’s personal effects,” the Fund for Empowerment alleged in court documents.

Nearly a month later, a judge issued an injunction preventing the city from enforcing its camping ban against people who can’t find shelter, as well as from seizing and throwing away people’s belongings. The lawsuit is ongoing.

The DOJ’s June 2024 report stated that even after the injunction and new city policies were in place, city officials continued to arrest people for camping and to destroy people’s belongings without notice or the opportunity to reclaim them.

ProPublica, as part of its investigation into cities’ handling of homeless people’s possessions, found that Phoenix rarely stored property seized from encampments. From May 2023 to 2024, the city responded to 4,900 reports from the public involving encampments, according to its records. The city said workers, trained to assess which items are property and which are trash, found items that could be stored at only 405 of the locations it visited. Not all of those belongings required storage because people may have removed them between a report of an encampment and the city’s arrival. The city stored belongings 69 times.

In January 2024, the city issued its own report in anticipation of the DOJ’s allegations. The city said it found nothing to support accusations that police “interfered with the possessions of people experiencing homelessness.” Phoenix officials also said in the report that although the city and police department “welcome additional insights” from the DOJ, they were unwilling to be subjected to a consent decree, a binding plan in which an appointed monitor oversees implementation of reforms.

Attorneys and advocates said that the DOJ’s decision has no bearing on lawsuits filed by private attorneys alleging civil rights violations, including against people who are homeless. The ACLU this week also launched a seven-state effort to file records requests to hold police departments accountable, it said.

Elizabeth Venable, lead community organizer with the Fund for Empowerment, who also helped the DOJ connect with the unhoused community in Phoenix, said she viewed the federal findings as a victory for unhoused people. Despite the retraction by U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi, Venable said, the report still has weight.

“No matter what Pam Bondi says, people are not going to forget it, especially people who learned about something that they were horrified by,” she said.

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Why a GOP congresswoman has joined the call to free Tory Lanez

Since President Donald Trump reentered the White House, politicians have opened the floodgates on conspiracy theories and unfounded claims against public figures, ranging from a fumbled release of documents surrounding victims of financier Jeffrey Epstein to hearings about the assassination of former President John F. Kennedy.

Now, Rep. Anna Paulina Luna, a Florida Republican, has joined calls to free Tory Lanez, a Canadian rapper who was sentenced to prison after a 2020 altercation with rapper Megan Thee Stallion. The case itself has been scrutinized by online critics — despite Lanez’s conviction — who claimed Megan Thee Stallion’s testimony was fabricated, that powerful music executives have tried to orchestrate a “cover-up” and that the DNA evidence linking Lanez to a gun was inadmissible or flawed.

While Luna posted what she called evidence of Lanez’s innocence, Megan Thee Stallion’s team pushed back — and there’s no indication prosecutors are reopening the case. Lanez’s trial highlighted how often Black women who seek justice are doubted, by both the legal system and society. Luna’s attempt to draw attention to the case and assert that Lanez was wrongly convicted represents both a doubling down on that dynamic and an indication of how pop culture and politics combine in online spaces full of misinformation. 

As a member of the Oversight Committee, the House’s powerful main investigative branch, Luna told NewsNation this week that she had come across new DNA evidence that would disprove Lanez’s involvement and Ring camera footage that shows the case as “he-said-she-said.”

After receiving a tip from Amber Rose — a media personality who has strengthened her connections with the Republican Party in the past year, including speaking at their nominating convention — Luna said she has been working with members of the California delegation, including Democrats, to urge Gov. Gavin Newsom to pardon Lanez.

“[This was] pretty egregious, the way this was handled — I think it was largely driven by headlines,” Luna told NewsNation during an interview. “Obviously, domestic violence I take very seriously, but I also take very seriously the fact that I do believe, based on the evidence that I’ve seen, that Tory’s innocent.”

Police arrested Lanez during a traffic stop on July 12, 2020, after receiving reports of gunfire from a group leaving celebrity Kylie Jenner’s Hollywood Hills home in Los Angeles. At the time, Megan Thee Stallion, whose real name is Megan Pete, was taken to the hospital for a foot injury — one she initially told police was the result of stepping on broken glass and later said was actually the result of having been shot in the foot by Lanez. The surgeon who treated Megan Thee Stallion testified to seeing gunshot wounds in her foot, as well as seeing bullet fragments on X-ray imaging. 

Lanez was sentenced to 10 years in prison in August 2023 after a jury found him guilty of assault with a firearm, illegal possession and negligent discharge of the weapon. As a Canadian citizen, Lanez could also face deportation from the United States after serving his sentence. The judge had previously denied a request for a retrial.

But almost two years later, persistent theories and conspiracies, combined with doubts about evidence in the now-closed court case, continue to circulate online. Podcasters and social media users have tried to cast doubt on the fact that Megan Thee Stallion was actually shot for years, which prosecutors called a “weaponized information” campaign orchestrated by Lanez and his team. Other Black men celebrities currently facing claims of assault, abuse or trafficking — including producer Sean “Diddy” Combs, singer Chris Brown and rapper DDG — have seen similar waves of support across social media this week in the face of allegations against them.

Lanez’s case has reemerged after the artist was stabbed 14 times while in prison earlier this month.

Christine Scartz, director of the Family Justice Clinic at the University of Georgia School of Law, said that while it’s good for people with influence, like lawmakers, to call attention to possible miscarriages of justice, she worries about what the attention on this case means for Megan Thee Stallion and other Black women.

“For Black women victims of violence, it’s not just a struggle for individual justice, but it’s a struggle against all these other competing priorities that people who either are not involved in the case directly or who don’t know exactly what it is they’re talking about or how the system works,” Scartz said. “You have to struggle against all these competing priorities for other people who are then going to shade you when you’re just looking for individual justice.”

Luna had never posted about his case on her official X account until May 19, when she started circulating a petition from the Caldwell Institute for Public Safety, a conservative effort run by TV host and Fox political analyst Gianno Caldwell. Attorney General Pam Bondi; Rep. Burgess Owens, a Black Utah Republican; and media personality Dr. Drew Pinsky are all on the Caldwell Institute’s board. Luna and Caldwell did not respond to requests for comment.

Luna posted that she had “compelling evidence” proving Lanez’s innocence, claiming that the singer had not received due process. She then posted a thread, tagging Newsom, listing concerns she had with the trial process, citing the First, Sixth and Fourteenth amendments. On Thursday, she posted another thread, claiming a new affidavit from a bodyguard “shatters the original narrative used to convict” Lanez.

“This guy’s an innocently incarcerated man,” Luna told a reporter Wednesday. “When the evidence was brought forward and presented to me, I was pretty baffled that he was even charged after what I saw.” 

She also said she spoke with the rapper Tuesday, saying that once Lanez gets a pardon — which Luna said she is confident will happen — he will work on prison reform.

On Thursday, Megan Thee Stallion’s lawyers released a 31-page report seeking to dismantle “unsworn rumors being spread as fact,” dismissing the circulating Ring camera footage and claims about DNA evidence.

“Despite Mr. Lanez being convicted at trial by overwhelming evidence (that included his own admission of his guilt), he and his team — flanked by any ignorant person they can find — have pushed whatever misleading narrative they can,” said Alex Spiro, Megan Thee Stallion’s lawyer, who headed the report.

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Profiles in Courage: Colonel Susan Meyers Defied Trump’s Greenland Annexation Push—And Was Relieved of Command

Profiles in Courage is a series honoring the extraordinary women and men who have transformed American institutions through principled public service. At a time when trust in government is fragile, these stories offer a powerful reminder of what ethical leadership looks like—from those who litigate for civil rights and resign on principle, to those who break military barriers and defend democracy on the front lines.

This month, we spotlight women in the Department of Justice, federal agencies and the military whose careers have been defined by integrity, resilience and reform. Their quiet heroism—often at personal cost—reaffirms the enduring role of public servants who choose justice over self-interest. Through their stories, Ms. pays tribute to a tradition of service that safeguards democracy and inspires the next generation to lead with courage.


When Colonel Susan Meyers assumed command of Pituffik Space Base, America’s northernmost military installation, in July 2024, she inherited more than a remote outpost carved from the Arctic ice. She inherited an unbroken 70-year alliance with Denmark and Greenland, 200 airmen and guardians under her care, and a delicate diplomatic balance in an era of rising political tension.

Meyers, an officer who had spent nearly two decades in the Air Force before transferring to the U.S. Space Force in 2021, understood that every flag flown at Pituffik signified a hard-won partnership in one of the planet’s harshest environments.

On March 29, 2025, that equilibrium was shaken. Vice President JD Vance, visiting to promote President Donald Trump’s renewed push to annex Greenland, publicly rebuked Denmark for “neglecting” Greenlanders and hinted that military force might be justified. The remarks ignited unease among Danish officials, Greenlandic leaders and the American service members posted at Pituffik who had long worked side-by-side with their allies.

Vice President JD Vance walks with Col. Susan Meyers, then-commander of the U.S. military’s Pituffik Space Base, on March 28, 2025, in Pituffik, Greenland. The visit was viewed by Copenhagen and Nuuk as a provocation amid President Donald Trump’s bid to annex the Danish territory. (Jim Watson / Getty Images)

The Email That Cost a Command

Three days later, following a weekend spent assessing base morale, rereading Vance’s statements and listening to her international partners, Colonel Meyers drafted an email addressed to every member of her garrison:

“I do not presume to understand current politics, but what I do know is the concerns of the US administration discussed by Vice President Vance on Friday are not reflective of Pituffik Space Base … For as long as I am lucky enough to lead this base, all of our flags will fly proudly—together.”

Her message neither mentioned annexation nor invoked partisan language. It simply reaffirmed the base’s long-standing commitment to a non-political military partnership with Denmark and Greenland.

However, in an environment where senior leaders had been warned to remain “scrupulously nonpartisan,” the email was perceived as an act of defiance.

Immediate Repercussions

On April 10, 2025, the U.S. Space Force relieved Colonel Meyers of command, citing “a loss of confidence.” Chief Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell posted on X, writing: “Actions [that] undermine the chain of command or subvert President [Donald] Trump’s agenda will not be tolerated at the Department of Defense.”

Meyers was replaced within hours by Colonel Shawn Lee.

In Washington, some hailed her firing as necessary discipline, while others condemned it as the politicization of a uniformed officer who merely upheld the long-held values of joint defense. In Copenhagen and Nuuk, Danish and Greenlandic leaders quietly praised her “steadfast professionalism.”

An Arctic Command, a Defining Stand

Commanding Pituffik involves dealing with constant winter darkness, encountering 24-hour daylight during summer, and facing temperatures that can plunge below –60°F. It also necessitates protecting crucial satellite tracking radars and missile warning systems that bolster North American defense. Colonel Meyers achieved this while honoring the treaty commitments that have sustained the base as sovereign Danish territory since 1951.

Vice President Vance and Second Lady Usha Vance attend a briefing alongside Col. Susan Meyers (center right) on March 28, 2025. (Jim Watson / Getty Images)

Her decision to speak—measured, nonpartisan, yet unmistakably principled—was rooted in a conviction that military loyalty to allies transcends political cycles. She did not seek confrontation with her civilian leadership; rather, she aimed to steady a shaken force and reassure partners who felt blindsided by annexation rhetoric.

Legacy of Integrity

Colonel Susan Meyers now joins a lineage of officers who accepted personal costs to uphold the apolitical ethos of the U.S. armed forces. In the frozen expanse of northwest Greenland, where auroras are as typical a sight as radar domes, her brief command will be remembered for a single email affirming that allied flags fly together or not at all.

In an age when strategic competition converges once more on the Arctic, her stand serves as a stark reminder that “true” command is not measured solely by tenure but by the courage to defend the principles that unite allies on the world’s most remote frontiers.

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Daily Show for May 23, 2025

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India’s richest man can’t crack e-commerce, even with Shein

Online retail continues to elude India’s richest man.

The SheiniSheinFounded in China in 2008 and headquartered in Singapore, Shein is a fast fashion brand that grew rapidly through exposure on social media.READ MORE India app, launched by Mukesh Ambani’s Reliance Retail in partnership with the Chinese fast-fashion giant, has struggled to gain traction in a market where Amazon and Walmart have been fighting neck-to-neck for nearly a decade. Downloads for Shein India nosedived from 50,000 a day shortly after its launch in early February to 3,311 in early April, according to AppMagic, a U.S.-based app performance tracker.

In April, when U.S. tariffs hit China, the app saw renewed interest as it was in the news, but experts are unclear on whether this growth is sustainable.

“Unlike earlier times, now … [the] market is saturated with multiple options and offers, and user interest can quickly dwindle,” Yugal Joshi, partner at global research firm Everest Group, told Rest of World.

Kushal Bhatnagar of Indian consulting firm Redseer, however, sees the late-April spike as a healthy sign, given that Reliance has yet to run paid marketing campaigns for Shein. 

Reliance Retail declined to respond to Rest of World’s queries about its partnership with Shein.

Reliance launched Shein for India five years after the original Shein app was banned in the country over border tensions with China. But the Shein that has returned is entirely separate from Shein’s global platform: Rather than selling made-in-China clothes and accessories directly to consumers, Shein now operates as a technology partner, while Reliance Retail handles the heavy lifting — from sourcing and manufacturing to distribution. All consumer data is managed by the Indian company.

The partnership is part of Ambani’s broader effort to overhaul his retail business, whose valuation fell to $50 billion in 2025 from $125 billion in 2022. Although the company has made a push into digital platforms like JioMart, Ajio, and most recently Shein India, the bulk of its retail revenue still comes from its 18,000 physical stores.

Lagging behind Amazon and Walmart-backed FlipkartiFlipkartFlipkart, founded in 2007, is one of India’s oldest e-commerce companies, and is owned by Walmart.READ MORE, which together control nearly 60% of India’s e-commerce market, Reliance has spent years trying to break into the sector. Between 2020 and 2025, Ambani’s group acquired majority stakes in companies spanning digital services, online pharmaceuticals, and quick commerce. But the investments have yet to position Reliance as a serious challenger to Amazon and Flipkart. 

Analysts say the Indian behemoth hopes to leverage Shein’s artificial intelligence-powered trendspotting and automated inventory systems to pursue an ambitious goal: capturing a major share of India’s e-commerce market, projected to hit $345 billion by 2030.

According to Kaustav Sengupta, director of insights at VisionNxt, an Indian government-funded initiative that uses AI to forecast fashion trends, such a model is likely to make good use of Reliance’s humongous customer data sets: more than 476 million subscribers for its Jio telecom brand, 300 million users for e-commerce platform JioMart, and 452 million subscribers for its news and entertainment portfolio, consisting of 63 channels, a streaming service, and digital news outlets.

“With these data points, Reliance wants to now sell fashion products, so all it needs is a system where it can feed all these data points,” Sengupta told Rest of World. He said the model would be able to predict best-selling products and suggest the right prices for them.

The original Shein app uses AI-driven models for intelligent warehousing and to spot customer trends before manufacturing a new product. It scales the manufacturing up or tweaks the designs based on the feedback. At any given time, the Shein website has a catalogue of more than 600,000 items. Its Indian iteration does not match up, according to reviews on the Google Play store. Several customer reviews for Reliance’s Shein app are critical of higher prices and reduced options. The app’s rating hovered at 2 out of 5 until February; in May, it climbed to 4.4, but reviews were still a mixed bag. 

As of April 25, Reliance Retail said only 12,000 products were live on Shein India, a stark contrast to the 600,000 items available on Shein’s global platforms. While Shein is reportedly set to debut on the London Stock Exchange this year, Ambani’s years-old promise to take Reliance Retail public remains unfulfilled.

Reliance Retail, which accounts for around 30% of the conglomerate’s overall business, is facing a slowdown in annual growth. Its sales rose just 7.9% in the fiscal year ending March 2025, down from 17.8% the previous year. Meanwhile, shares of rival Tata Group’s retail and fashion arm, Trent, have soared by 133%.

“Reliance would have looked at reviving that momentum and riding on it, while for Shein, adding India back on its portfolio of markets could be a plus point before its proposed public listing,” Devangshu Dutta, founder of Third Eyesight, a brand management consultancy that has worked with various global e-commerce brands including Ikea, told Rest of World.

A Reliance Retail official privy to information about its fast fashion expansion plans told Rest of World the partnership with Shein also hinges on global manufacturing ambitions as the Chinese company is trying to “source its products from other countries like India” to meet the “additional demand that is coming from newer markets.” Reliance Retail has tapped a network of small and midsize Indian manufacturers to locally source products, and its subsidiary Nextgen Fast Fashion Limited is leading the charge. “We need to first scale up our domestic manufacturing, before our partnership starts manufacturing for global markets. Let us see how that goes, first,” the official said, requesting anonymity as he is not authorized to share this information publicly. 

India’s Gen Z population is at 377 million and counting, and their spending power is set to surpass $2 trillion by 2035, according to a 2024 report by Boston Consulting Group. Every fast-fashion retailer wants to capture this market, but it “is very new even for Reliance,” Rimjim Deka, founder of Indian fast-fashion platform Littlebox, told Rest of World.

Deka said smaller brands like hers “just see [a trend] and implement it,” which could take a large conglomerate months to do, by which time the trend may have lost relevance.

Reliance’s previous attempts to attract young shoppers with clothing brands like Foundry and Yousta failed to find much success. Anandita Bhuyan, who works in trend forecasting and product creation for fast-fashion clients like Urbanic and Myntra, told Rest of World the company has struggled to effectively leverage consumer data and target India’s youth.

According to the Reliance Retail official, the company is confident that if “there are 10 existing brands, the 11th brand will also get picked up as long as there is value and there is fashion.”

“Shein already has a recall among the youth. It gives us yet another brand in our portfolio through which we can cater to the youth,” the official said.

Shein was built in China on the back of more than 5,400 micro manufacturers — a scattered and loosely organized network of small and midsize factories.

In January this year, on a visit to China, Deka met with manufacturers working for Shein and Temu. On the outskirts of Guangzhou, Deka saw factories set up in areas that appeared residential, with “women sitting inside houses” making clothes.

“The tech is built in a way that somebody sitting there is able to see that, okay, next 15 days or next one month, how much I should be making … that is the kind of integration they have done,” Deka said.

Deka told Rest of World this model is easier to replicate at a smaller scale. “Me, coming from [the] supply chain industry, I understand that it is much easier for a brand like us because we are at a very smaller scale. We can still go to those people, we can still build it in a very unorganized way and then pull it off,” she said. Her company’s annual net revenue is 750 million Indian rupees ($8.6 million).

“[But] somebody like Reliance, they just cannot go haphazard here. … It has to be always organized,” Deka said.

Shein moved its headquarters to Singapore sometime between late 2021 and early  2022, a strategic departure to distance itself from its Chinese origins and facilitate hassle-free international expansion amid the U.S.-China trade war.

India is part of Shein’s wider strategy to diversify its supply chain — one that also includes a newly leased warehouse near Ho Chi Minh City in Vietnam, and efforts to establish alternative manufacturing hubs in Brazil and Turkey.

But in India, Reliance needs Shein as much as Shein needs Reliance for its global pivot. According to Bloomberg, Reliance Retail is focusing on creating leaner operations to weather a wider consumption slump in the Indian economy.

“It remains to be seen whether the Reliance-Shein combine can deliver on the brand’s promise with a wide range of products, fast and on-trend,” Dutta said. “In the years that Shein has been absent, the Indian market has evolved further, competition has intensified, and past goodwill is not enough to provide sales momentum.”

#Indias #richest #man #crack #ecommerce #Shein

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Will Democrats Learn From the Biden Disaster? Probably Not.

There is no other rational response to the cover-up of Joe Biden’s decline and infirmity than anger.

If you’re an American, it should make you angry that the many people who knew better stayed silent about, even actively conspired to hide, the fact that Biden wasn’t actually capable of executing his responsibilities as president, handing untold amounts of power to a cabal of advisors you never voted for.

And if you’re a Democratic voter, it should make you angry that a party that spent years promising they would, at very least, stop Donald Trump (and maybe not do much more), and that their blocking his reelection justified asking for your money and demanding your votes, ended up putting Trump in the White House again, in large part by installing and then keeping in power a man they knew was unfit for office.

Questions about Biden’s ill health, and who knew what about it and when, have been reignited in recent weeks, thanks to the release of two complementary books that have added new, scandalous details to the already scandalous litany of details about Biden’s condition that erupted after his disturbing June 2024 debate performance. One is Jonathan Allen and Amie Parnes’s Fight, the third in a trilogy of Trump-era behind-the-scenes campaign accounts by the pair that dropped last month; the other, which has been dominating political coverage the past couple of weeks, is Alex Thompson and Jake Tapper’s Original Sin, an autopsy of how Biden’s condition was hidden from the public for so long.

The other reason the issue has exploded yet again — just as the former president has stepped back into the public eye, while he gets ready to release his own, self-exculpatory book — is because we’ve just found out Biden has prostate cancer, and a particularly “aggressive” one at that, which has spread to his bones. Despite his spokesperson’s insistence that this was the first anyone knew about it, speculation has swirled that there may have been an effort to hide the diagnosis while he was president, fueled by the fact that Biden is the only president going back to Bill Clinton at least not to be tested for prostate cancer, that an oncologist who served as his own COVID advisor has called this “a little strange,” and this 2022 clip features Biden casually saying he has cancer.

Whether or not you buy into this speculation, at this point it’s a legitimate line of inquiry. It’s legitimate, because as both Fight and Original Sin show, Biden’s four years as president were defined by a vast, concerted effort by both the people closest to him and a constellation of friends, colleagues, and acquaintances to, generously, keep what they knew about his deteriorating health from the public.

Time and again in Original Sin, the same story is told and retold: one of Biden’s advisors, allies, old friends, or donors interacts with him face to face; they are either alarmed by his frail and confused physical appearance, by the fact that he doesn’t know who they are, or by the fact that he’s seemingly unable to speak off the cuff without serious assistance; and they proceed to say and do nothing about it, or even double down in their public insistence that he’s never been better.

In many cases, it is elected officials in Biden’s own party who are horrified but too cowardly to speak up. And in both books, this cowardice continues, with only a few exceptions, well past the point where the entire country has seen the truth and it has become clear keeping him on would be a disaster.

It wasn’t always cowardice. The reporting by both pairs of authors establishes that the insular team of the president’s closest advisors — both longtime Biden loyalists and family members, all of whom became unhealthily enamored with the trappings of power — went to great lengths to disguise Biden’s decline. They made sure he was well made-up, had events scheduled only during certain hours, always had clear visual aids to help him walk from point A to B, was furnished with notes, teleprompters, and other assistance to help him speak, or that events where he was meant to interact with others, like cabinet meetings, were scripted in advance — though even that was not always enough.

In hindsight, many of the most cynical theories about what was going on in the Biden White House turned out to be true. Biden’s advisors closed ranks around him (“You can’t talk about this stuff. We’re backing Biden,” one alarmed Democrat was told), and the Democratic National Committee (DNC) abruptly rearranged the 2024 primary schedule, which nonsensically put South Carolina first, for the exact reason everyone said at the time: purely to put Biden in the best position of beating any challenger. And they worked to aggressively shut down any attempt to ask questions about, investigate, or expose his decline.

Thompson and Tapper report that Biden’s team enlisted a coalition of influencers, Democratic operatives, and loyalist media to publicly shame anyone looking into Biden’s condition and create a “disincentive structure” for them to do so, gave out talking points that were then dutifully used by allies, and at one point threatened to deny a Wall Street Journal reporter’s story on the matter to scare her away from going forward with it. Meanwhile, they kept Biden isolated from his colleagues, to the point that cabinet members went months without seeing him.

While Biden’s decline seems to have become markedly worse and more rapid over the course of 2023 and 2024, both books make clear, as other reporting has, that it started much earlier. Each recounts a disastrous late 2021 meeting that was meant to offer Biden a chance to persuade the Democratic caucus to pass his infrastructure bill, but saw the president instead ramble endlessly and leave the room without ever making the ask.

But Original Sin dates the start of it much earlier, with insiders noticing changes around the time his eldest son was dying in 2015. Biden’s brain “seemed to dissolve,” a senior White House official told the authors, while another insider said the death “aged him significantly.” He struggled to remember his longtime aide Mike Donilon’s name in 2019. And he was so bad in 2020 that the conversations with ordinary voters he filmed for that year’s Democratic convention required heavy, “creative” editing, with those who watched the raw footage left alarmed and convinced he couldn’t serve as president.

For many readers, this won’t be a surprise, but a vindication of what they saw again and again during that year’s primary but were told to pay no mind to: pundits and rivals openly commenting on the difficulties he exhibited in debates; Biden forgetting Barack Obama’s name and the preamble to the Declaration of Independence, saying he was running for the Senate, and confusing two separate world leaders with the long-dead Margaret Thatcher; MSNBC anchor Nicole Wallace laughing and encouraging him through a disastrous interview like he was a preschooler; Biden visibly gesturing for aides to scroll up on an off-screen teleprompter, openly reading off notes and sometimes still struggling to articulate a thought.

This problem hasn’t gone away with Biden’s exit. Elderly party officials’ insistence on clinging to power as long as possible has had other real-world ramifications, including just this week, when the death of three septuagenarian Democrats in Congress over the past three months — including one who had cancer, but whom the party elevated to a leadership position over a younger member anyway — allowed Trump’s budget to pass the House. The party is currently trying to punish and remove the sole official, Parkland shooting survivor David Hogg, who has called out this problem and suggested longtime incumbents should be primaried.

These revelations are shocking, but the concern is much bigger than mere party politics. One anecdote in particular drives home the kind of fire those who hid Biden’s deterioration were playing with.

One of the scariest moments in the Ukraine war happened after a particularly grueling week for the president, which saw him travel through three countries and end up too tired to even attend a closing dinner with G20 leaders and going to bed early. Hours later, rockets that Ukrainian officials falsely claimed were Russian landed in NATO member Poland’s territory, killing two people — and bringing the world dangerously close to World War III.

“That rest came in handy,” Tapper and Thompson write, since Biden had to quickly coordinate the international response.

It’s one of the rare insights we get into the running of Biden’s foreign policy, a subject mostly absent from both books, despite the fact that he was running at least two separate wars whose waking hours fell well outside the six-hour timeframe we are told he was most functional during. The reporting on Biden’s decline is largely based on the testimony of outsiders willing to talk about the glimpses they saw of it, and of how those closest to him worked to conceal it to hang on to power. Not surprisingly, those who did the concealing may not have been the most forthcoming sources.

This is not a story told through the eyes of his foreign policy team. National security advisor Jake Sullivan mostly hovers in the background in Original Sin, appearing next to Biden in meetings and trips or sitting with other advisors. He’s a focal point in only two anecdotes: in one, Biden can’t remember his name; in another, in a January 2024 meeting to get more military aid for Ukraine, he takes the lead after Biden stumbles through reading a bullet-pointed set of remarks that one attendee called “a shitshow.”

There is only one section of the book told from the point of view of longtime advisor and secretary of state Antony Blinken, and it takes care to mention how Blinken “continually witnessed the president fully able to meet the moment” behind the scenes. It’s an incongruous passage by that point, both because of the many tales leading up to it where people with far less contact are shocked by one of Biden’s increasingly common bad days, and because we’ve learned this is the stock talking point his team used to misleadingly reassure doubters he was fine.

Given how tightly Biden was cocooned, and the growing incentive for everyone involved to plead ignorance, it’s an open question if we’ll ever get anything close to the truth about how exactly Biden’s foreign policy came to be. That’s too bad, because by the end of his term, it made up the bulk of his presidency and was not only objectively a disaster and a moral stain on both himself and the country, but played a central role in unraveling his presidency.

Still, we get some hints. Again and again, we’re told that everything that came to Biden was filtered through a tight circle of advisors, that they presented information encouraging him to run for reelection without the counterarguments, and that they kept bad data from him and fed him wildly overoptimistic polling results that didn’t actually exist. At the peak of the post-debate crisis, Biden was so ignorant about Democrats’ concerns about him running that it led House Democratic Caucus chair Pete Aguilar to wonder “if Biden was being told the truth about anything.”

Biden’s own cabinet members told Thompson and Tapper that they abruptly lost access to him in 2024, that aside from national security officials like Blinken “the cabinet was kept at bay,” and that they suspected his advisors were cloistering a president who, in the few times he was seen, appeared “disoriented” — all to feed him only the information they wanted him to know and to shape his decision-making.

At their heart, neither Fight, nor Original Sin, nor the scandal itself are really about Biden’s infirmity. The United States is not the first country, and the Democrats are not the first party, to wind up with a leader who is unfit, unpopular, and incapable of continuing to lead. But other political parties are able to swiftly and ruthlessly change their leadership when the time comes.

Not so in the case of the Democrats, who the four authors show not only struggled to do anything about Biden even when they knew full well he was taking them all off a cliff, but then begrudgingly replaced him with a leader they had equally little faith in. That speaks to a dysfunction at the core of the party that’s much bigger than one sick leader.

Common to both books is a broad, behind-the-scenes consensus within the party that Kamala Harris, the most likely person to replace Biden on the ticket, was, even with her youth and full health, nearly as much of a disaster as her addled boss. Harris’s weaknesses as a politician are well known now after being put in the harsh glare of the 2024 campaign, but the reporting gives us new details: her need to prepare for everything to the point that her staff did a mock simulation of an upcoming off-the-record dinner with socialites, according to Thompson and Tapper; or the fact that, according to Parnes and Allen, Harris wasn’t able to come up with a bold economic vision to campaign on in part because she struggled to grasp economic issues  — “Wall Street jargon hit her ears like a foreign language,” they write. The party had such little confidence in her, her candidacy was repeatedly used as a potent threat to ward off efforts to roll Biden.

And yet, as each book recounts, she quickly locked up full party support anyway, and Democrats simply swapped out one candidate they desperately didn’t want for another. Part of it was the same cowardice that paralyzed them to move against Biden. Another part was Biden’s ego, the president quickly agreeing to endorse her to validate his own political judgement.

Still another was the crude and shallow style of identity politics that, for all their attempts to pin it on the Left after the election, has always been most dominant among the party’s corporate elite: the Clintons still wanted to see a woman become president and quickly backed Harris; key leaders like Hakeem Jeffries and Jim Clyburn wouldn’t countenance letting the party pass over the first black, female vice president; while others feared that doing so would lose them African-American votes.

But maybe most important was the party’s ironically undemocratic nature, and its willingness to use that to stop a leftward shift. The true original sin of the entire, cascading crisis around Biden — his infirmity, the crisis of confidence in the party it caused, his saddling of the party with a weak successor, his final, fatal extraction from her to promise not to break from him — wasn’t really Biden’s decision to run again. It had been the Democratic establishment’s desperation to stop Bernie Sanders and his movement from taking over the party in 2020, something they could only do by saddling themselves with a man whose political abilities many of them had little faith in.

But it was worth it: Several high-profile Democrats have since come out and openly admitted they had gone with Biden only as a last-minute play to stop Sanders, and as Parnes and Allen had reported four years ago, for many of the party’s establishment centrists, “their fears of losing their party to socialism competed with their fears of Trump winning a second term.”

After 2020, establishment Democrats thought they had escaped the consequences for this, with the pandemic’s onset luckily giving them the perfect excuse to keep Biden out of the public eye as much as possible while still kneecapping Trump’s reelection chances. In hindsight, we can see they only delayed them.

The other side effect of having won their war on progressives: this same machinery was then used to stick Democrats with Harris. In Fight, Allen and Parnes write that Biden, the Clintons, and a group of centrist black party officials that included Donna Brazile — infamous for secretly feeding Clinton debate questions in advance while working for CNN during the 2016 primaries — had rebuilt the party infrastructure post-Obama and installed loyalists at national and state committees, to protect any future Biden or Harris run, but also in a way that was “designed to stop the party’s left wing from taking control.”

They recount how after Biden’s exit, as many in the party pushed for some kind of contest to choose the best possible candidate, these loyalists in state party chair positions moved quickly to prevent that from happening by putting out a unanimous endorsement of Harris. As one of them put it, “this has got to feel like it came from the base of the party, the grassroots side of things.” (One of those involved, Ken Martin, was just elected chair of the DNC this past February.)

They got exactly what they wanted: the candidate they worked to install ran a campaign where she personally refused to sever herself from the unpopular incumbent, was deathly afraid of interviews and speaking off-script, and couldn’t overrule her nickel-and-diming advisors to present a bold and exciting economic pitch, all of which sunk her. As a result, Democrats have not only been thrown back into the minority and face the exact kind of authoritarian intimidation they warned they had to beat Trump at all costs to stop, but are, for the first time in modern memory, immensely unpopular with their own voter base.

You would think this might have been a learning experience. Not for the Democratic establishment, whose members quickly scrambled to blame — what else? — the progressive left for their own failure, spent the months since thinking their comeback lay in posturing as socially conservative or trying to bankroll podcasters, and have been soothing themselves that they will win the 2026 midterms by default, even if they’re loathed by voters.

The careerism, elite myopia, and poor judgement that led the party establishment to run an ailing man the entire country could see was plainly unfit to be president don’t seem to have gone anywhere. If the electoral disaster they knowingly created for themselves wasn’t enough to force a meaningful change, it’s hard to know what will.

Great Job Branko Marcetic & the Team @ Jacobin Source link for sharing this story.

Mission: Impossible, Reckoning with the Internet

‘Mission: Impossible—The Final Reckoning’

It is tempting to think of the callbacks in Mission: Impossible—The Final Reckoning as an aggressive exercise in franchise nostalgia, a near-30-year series flexing a little to remind folks that even someone with as little screentime as a CIA tech with an upset tummy in the initial outing is a classic character worthy of redemption by Ethan Hunt (Tom Cruise) and his team.

But there’s more to the return of William Donloe (Rolf Saxon) than simple fan service. His secure CIA database in the first movie way back in 1996 was notable not just for its impenetrability—to all except Luther (Ving Rhames), aka Phineas Phreak, naturally—but also its inaccessibility. It was offline, secure in part because it couldn’t be reached by hackers. You remember the scene: Ethan dropping by wires so as not to touch the pressure-sensitive floor; obsessively controlling his own body heat so as not to trip the temperature sensors. The names of the agents on that database were protected by being kept from the digital ether, period. Breaching those analog defenses with digital weaponry in that first film was like letting the snake into Eden.

The series has grown up with the internet alongside the rest of us; in hindsight, there’s a funny moment where we learn the villain’s email is “Max@Job 3:14,” an address that would totally work. But only in hindsight for most of us, given the levels of digital penetration in 1996, when AOL was still a relatively unusual luxury and only one in five Americans was online. Between the time that movie was filmed and its sequel debuted in 2000, Pew reports that more than half of the country was online. Twenty-five years later, everyone walking into Final Reckoning—a rousing conclusion to the first major franchise of the digital age—carried the internet into the theater with them in their pocket.

At this, “the Entity” might smile.

The Entity.

A preoccupation with the internet and its effects pervades both The Final Reckoning and its predecessor in the series, Dead Reckoning. The Entity—an unholy offspring created when an American spy program mated with a Russian super-submarine, a combination that makes roughly as much technical sense as an email address with a biblical verse in the place of a domain name—can run so many computations and so accurately work percentages that it can, functionally, see the future. More importantly than that, though, it can change the past. Or, at least, how we perceive the past, what we believe to be real about the past.

“Whoever controls the Entity controls the truth. The concepts of right and wrong can be clearly defined for everyone for centuries to come,” says Eugene Kittridge (Henry Czerny), another character returning from the initial entry in the series. The nation in control of this manufactured truth will gain access to Earth’s “dwindling resources”; everyone else will be forced to choke on the ashes. And we see that manipulation of the truth in The Final Reckoning’s opening moments, the Entity changing images of school buses into tanks. Or vice versa, perhaps. Who can say? As one character puts it in the early moments, ominously sounding a bit like Galadriel in the opening voiceover of The Fellowship of the Ring, “The world is changing. Truth is vanishing. War is coming.” Though how much control of the truth matters is in some question, since the Entity has seized control of half of the world’s nuclear powers’ armaments. Only the United States, China, Russia, and Great Britain remain unaffected, and those nations are falling off the big board in rapid succession, unable or unwilling to take their own arsenals offline because, in a post-truth society, no one knows whom to trust.

What the Entity wants and how it hopes to achieve it are, frankly, immaterial; what matters are the images we see and then don’t see, the information it can create and blink out of existence. At one point, the Entity subjects Ethan to a barrage of future images in a sarcophagus-like tank; as he spills out of it, shaking from exhaustion and terror, he asks and then exclaims, “You’re real? You’re real!” as he holds on to Grace (Hayley Atwell). It feels like fate that this movie would drop the same weekend that Google’s Veo 3 granted folks the ability to create news broadcasts out of whole cloth, a tool making it easier than ever to manufacture untrue truths, one that will cripple our intellectual defenses and divide people with falsehoods via text prompt.

For all the gadgets and doodads, Mission: Impossible has always been an analog series struggling within a digital world. Yes there are digital head-up displays and hacks, but the series’s best bit has always been the masks, a physical tactile thing that agents pull off of their faces at surprising moments, proving their mastery at in-person infiltration. More than that, though, is the physicality of the filmmaking itself, Tom Cruise’s near-maniacal insistence he do his own stunts (or, at least, as many of them as are physically feasible) rather than rely on digital fakery. From hanging off the side of a speeding airplane to diving hundreds of feet to recover a submarine core to running (always running, forever running), Ethan Hunt is a man in motion, either under his own power or hanging off of something with a motor.

The series as a whole has often treated the plot as little more than an excuse to get to the stunts, but it feels like there’s something a bit more urgent in Final Reckoning, that Cruise and writer-director Christopher McQuarrie have more to say. This is one reason the film is a little long; it’s overstuffed with ideas and supporting characters and side missions. Yet it never really feels long, at least in part because Cruise has assembled an all-star class of supporting actors; Trammel Tillman, most recently of Severance fame as Mr. Milchick, is the standout here, generating appreciative laughs as a stern submarine captain. Indeed, there’s a sly sense of humor to the whole proceedings, another reason it flies along; at one point late in the film, Ethan climbs up the undercarriage of a conveyance and gives its operator—who is staring at the IMF agent, mouth agog—an almost apologetic shrug of the shoulders as if to say “I don’t know, man, your guess is as good as mine as to what I’m doing up here.”

What Ethan’s doing, of course, is saving the day. And what Cruise is doing is trying to save the entire industry of filmmaking as we know it, as if his exertions can prove the importance and the viability of the star-driven blockbuster, as if the wind blowing into his cheeks as he straddles a biplane’s landing strut, hundreds of feet in the air, can also blow life back into the artform he has dedicated his life to.

Tom Cruise preparing to shoot a stunt in ‘Mission: Impossible—The Final Reckoning’

Cruise feels like the last of a certain kind of star, at least at his wattage. He happened to be in my town, Dallas, yesterday, and I wanted to see the effect he had. I’d gotten word he was going to be at one theater for an outro and an intro, and I pulled up to the theater just in time to see his convoy—four or five black SUVs with a multi-vehicle police escort shutting down side streets, calling to mind a vice-presidential motorcade for this former D.C. resident—speeding away. Still, I popped in to see how audiences had taken being graced with his presence and it’s fair to say that the mood was one of swooning.

Most of the day’s action took place at the AMC Northpark, one of the busiest movie theaters in the country. The buzz Cruise brought to the venue was almost palpable; I spend a lot of time at the Northpark, and I’ve never seen it like this. The staff was in a tizzy too; one worker I chatted up briefly said they’d been working for AMC for more than a decade and “it’s never been like this. It’s good to have this kind of excitement.” Cruise and the folks at Paramount had commandeered the IMAX theater for private screenings and he and McQuarrie were popping into some showings to say hi, so lots of folks were just kind of milling around hoping to catch a glimpse of one of the last living megastars.

I was one of the millers, wandering around a bit and soaking it all up while sipping on a beer waiting for the 8:30 screening I had a ticket for to start. And then, all of a sudden, security stepped in to clear a path and there he was, ducking out of one auditorium, into a private lounge area. Flashing the smile. Accompanied by McQuarrie, who always looks a little bemused by the pomp and circumstance of being next to one of the most recognizable men in the world. Cruise was out in the open for about four seconds and the energy it generated among the assembled is almost embarrassingly hard to describe.

I don’t know what the future of movies and movie theaters holds. Maybe it’ll all disappear soon. If it does, I’ll miss these splashes of energy, these moments of weird camaraderie as strangers gather to experience a communal event in multiplexes around the country.

Great Job Sonny Bunch & the Team @ The Bulwark Source link for sharing this story.

The Woke Right Wants to Cancel Ms Rachel

“Big feelings are okay,” sings Ms Rachel in one of her characteristic children’s songs. “It’s okay to have big feelings. I’m here to stay with your big feelings. I’m not afraid of your big feelings.”

It’s a beautiful sentiment, one worth emphasizing to children so they can wrestle with some of the more difficult aspects of being human. A big piece of the backlash to “wokeness” in recent years has been an exhaustion with an unwillingness or inability to deal with big feelings — difficulty tolerating disagreement, demands for ideological congruence, overstatement of harm when it isn’t forthcoming. The Right calls people who are hypersensitive in this particular manner “snowflakes,” a term synonymous in conservative parlance with left-wing social justice warriors.

But as the Left struggles with how to shed the histrionic style of political engagement while staying committed to progressive social values, a new group of big-feeling-intolerant snowflakes has emerged: the Right and the pro-Israel lobby, as demonstrated by their recent attacks on Ms Rachel herself.

The popular children’s content creator, whose given name is Rachel Griffin Accurso, has become increasingly outspoken about violence against children in Palestine. Her advocacy consists entirely of observing the scale of Palestinian children’s suffering and making simple statements about its moral indefensibility. In response, conservatives are clutching their pearls over the immeasurable harm caused by her opinions. If “wokeness” pejoratively describes exaggerated grievance and swift social sanction for wrongthink, the Right’s condemnations of Ms Rachel are as woke as it gets.

Since Israel began its military campaign in retaliation for Hamas’s October 7 attack, over fifteen thousand children have been killed in Gaza. The Israeli military has recently intensified ground operations and aerial bombardments, killing one hundred people in a single night last week, many of them children. One would expect a creator who devotes her life to children to be opposed to mass violence against them on this scale. But for the woke right, the harm incurred by children in Gaza is nothing compared to the harm incurred by supporters of Israel who are forced to encounter uncomfortable truths on Accurso’s social media feeds.

The controversy began in May 2024, when Accurso announced a fundraiser for children in Gaza and other war zones. This prompted a wave of intense pro-Israel criticism that surprised and rattled her. But in a tearful video posted to Instagram, she reasoned that the public disapproval was a small price to pay for using her massive platforms to speak about the toll Israel’s offensive has taken on children.

Thereafter, Accurso’s social media feeds started to intersperse nursery rhymes with statistics on the rate of child death, amputation, and malnutrition in Gaza. For the last year, she has continued to post about the conditions Palestinian children face to an audience of fifteen million on YouTube and ten million across TikTok and Instagram. These posts, which appear alongside potty training tips and phonics lessons, eschew geopolitical opinion for universalist moral appeals like “We can’t let children starve. That’s not who we are” and “We all know not to bomb and kill and starve children.” It’s a stark indicator of our times that pro-Israel forces so strenuously disagree.

Accurso has defended her advocacy as an expression of concern for “all children, in every country. Not one is excluded” and has also addressed famine in Sudan. She told the Independent that her pathos was initially summoned by a video of a Palestinian child in shock after an Israeli air strike.

“The look in his eyes has stayed in my mind since I saw the video,” she said. “No child should experience that kind of fear, shock, and terror.” In response to the backlash, she told journalist Medhi Hasan, “It’s sad that people try to make it controversial when you speak out for children that are facing immeasurable suffering.”

Her stated ethical motivations haven’t stopped the Right from branding Ms Rachel a covert operative pushing a sinister ideological agenda. In March, the New York Post ran an article about Accurso in print titled “Woke Brainwasher.” Its online headline was “The left keeps coming after our kids — now via YouTube’s Ms. Rachel,” deploying the Right’s tactic du jour: implicitly or explicitly draw an analogy between ideas it opposes and “grooming” or child predation. The Post proceeded to paranoically allege that Accurso’s content “sneaks in political themes — invariably leftist ones,” and that she exposes the children of parents who “invite her into their homes” to “Hamas-aligned talking points.”

Pro-Israel organizations have taken the paranoia to even greater extremes. The organization StopAntisemitism penned an open letter to Donald Trump’s attorney general, Pam Bondi, calling for an investigation into Accurso for alleged violations of the Foreign Agents Registration Act.

“Given the vast sums of foreign funds that have been directed toward propagandizing our young people on college campuses, we suspect there is a similar dynamic in the online influencer space,” the group said. It demanded that the Trump administration allocate resources to “find out who is behind Ms. Rachel’s push to demonize the Jewish state.”

Several other Zionist groups echoed the allegations of Hamas funding. The group JewsInSchool stated:

Ms Rachel has used her popularity with minor children to indoctrinate and use them as cash cows to raise funds for Gaza via an organization (Save the Children) that claims Gaza is an “occupied territory” and undergoing genocide. This is training children to provide material support for terror. We agree an investigation is in order.

When the New York Times asked Accurso whether she is funded by Hamas, she responded, “This accusation is not only absurd, it’s patently false.”

But you never know which child content creators are rolling in Hamas cash, which is why you have to sleep with one eye open. Or, in other words, stay woke.

Conspiracy theories aside, Accurso has naturally been accused ad nauseam of antisemitism. Her decision to speak out can’t possibly come down to the fact that Gaza has the highest child casualty rate on earth. It can’t possibly be inspired by endless horrific stories like that of Rahaf, a three-year-old from Gaza who lost both her legs in an Israeli air strike, whom Accurso featured on her social media channels. (“Thank you for seeing our children as human,” Rahaf’s mother told Ms Rachel.) It can only be proof of anti-Jewish animus.

Accurso’s critics have tried every play in the cancel culture book, from declaring certain opinions inadmissible by claiming they’ll harm whole communities, to scouring her archives for potential microaggressions, to leveling accusations of bigotry by omission, to weaponizing emotional appeals to shut down debate entirely.

This isn’t Ms Rachel’s first cancel-culture rodeo. Before she stood accused of hating Jews, Accurso stood accused of offending Christians. Two years ago, Christian influencers tried to cancel Ms Rachel for stating that dinosaurs existed millions of years ago and having a cast member who uses gender-neutral pronouns. Then, last year, shortly after the backlash to her initial Gaza fundraiser, Accurso wished her followers a happy Pride Month, sending Christian conservatives into a fit of hyperventilation.

“She is accepting this sin by promoting gay pride,” lamented Monica Cole, the director of the organization One Million Moms, which is primarily devoted to spotting microaggressions — sorry, lapses in conservative family values — in television commercials. Cole continued, “The Bible tells us that God made us male and female and that holy marriage is between one man and one woman. God gives us these boundaries because He knows what’s best for us.”

Conservatives called for a boycott of Ms Rachel’s content, condemning her Pride Month message as “vastly evil and inappropriate” and declaring, “This woman is sick. This is who your kids love to watch and look up to.” Again, Accurso responded to the backlash by appealing to simple universalist values of solidarity and inclusion, saying, “I love all of my neighbors, and that excludes no one.” She grounded this message in her own Christian faith, citing neighborly love as a value expressed in the Bible.

One conservative Christian publication saw this expression of universal love as itself nefarious, saying, “It is a genius of Satan to weaponize virtue, moving mankind to subvert the Truth while at the same time making him feel very good about his actions, whispering, see how loving you are!” Translation: basic prosocial values like kindness, inclusion, care, and love across lines of difference are a dirty, devilish trick. Keep your head on a swivel.

Right-wing media personality Charlie Kirk did not take kindly to Accurso invoking the Bible for wicked purposes. “Satan quoted scripture plenty,” he quipped, adding, “By the way, Ms Rachel, you might want to crack open that Bible of yours.” Kirk then quoted a verse from the Bible condemning homosexuals to death by stoning, calling this “God’s perfect law when it comes to sexual matters.”

Kirk has complained relentlessly about the (in his own words) “virtue-signaling, high horse, moral sanctimonious people” known as the woke left. But as far as preening self-righteousness is concerned, it’s hard to top Kirk and the woke right.

The Right’s response to both Accurso’s anodyne Pride messaging and her morally grounded but otherwise apolitical opposition to child suffering in Palestine has been exhaustingly theatrical. Using hyperbole to render ideological opponents’ viewpoints unutterable, overstating the harm of words and ideas, appealing to authorities to cut the mic — it all makes one wonder who’s really infected by the “woke mind virus” these days.

If the Right is taking over from the Left as our culture’s most insufferable tongue-cluckers and finger-waggers, it’s only a reversion to form. A politics of pious indignation, paranoid thought, and language policing, righteous claims of moral transgression, and magnification of injury was their province to begin with.

In the 1970s culture war, it was the right-wing evangelicals who were considered puritanical and touchy, while the gays and their progressive allies were the witty and irreverent taboo-breakers. A 1977 Washington Post article about a Johnny Carson monologue mocking antigay culture war crusader Anita Bryant summed up the popular reaction to her brand of right-wing huffiness: “Carson and other comedians have turned her into a new symbolic stock comic figure . . . a prudish, self-righteous fanatic.”

That characterization aptly describes the Right that has risen up to denounce Ms Rachel as a nefarious mastermind of woke brainwashing and a source of profound harm.

Moral sanctimony and amplified grievance are political losers. The Right is welcome to reclaim them as their own. Meanwhile, the Left should strive to emulate Ms Rachel by being unafraid of big feelings and steadfast in our universal values.

Great Job Meagan Day & the Team @ Jacobin Source link for sharing this story.

Alasdair MacIntyre Leaves a Legacy to Wrestle With

Alasdair MacIntyre, the preeminent moral philosopher known for his critiques of liberal modernity, died yesterday at the age of ninety-six. Born in Glasgow in 1929 and teaching for the last several decades of his life in the United States, he traversed an idiosyncratic intellectual path. MacIntyre joined the Communist Party of Great Britain, then moving onto Trotskyist organizations the Socialist Labour League and International Socialists, he eventually became a prominent member of the British New Left in the 1960s.

MacIntyre’s early intellectual output grappled seriously with Marxism. But he moved away from that tradition in the 1970s. In 1981, he published perhaps his most famous work, the ambitious After Virtue, which introduced the main themes that would take up the rest of his career.

The central argument of After Virtue was that the Enlightenment, with its sweeping away of notions of the human telos and divine law rooted, respectively, in Aristotelian metaphysics and Christian doctrine, undermined the possibility of a rational basis for morality. Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment philosophers, most notably Immanuel Kant and the British utilitarians, made heroic efforts to construct secular rational justifications of moral concepts of good and evil, right and wrong, but these justifications all failed and were doomed to fail, MacIntyre argues, because no such basis can be provided in the absence of the metaphysical and theological commitments that modern philosophers rejected.

The result is that we in contemporary liberal societies have no shared framework for justifying moral claims or resolving disagreements. Although we continue to engage in moral discourse about justice, rights, obligations, and so on, these are just linguistic holdovers from a pre-Enlightenment world where that language had a determinate meaning.

When we decry an action as “morally wrong” or “unjust,” MacIntyre contends, this is just a disguised way of voicing our own arbitrary preferences. In fact, all of social life now centers around the pursuit of individual preference, whether organized through the market or (perhaps just as deviously, for the erstwhile Trotskyist) through bureaucratic institutions. This situation is destructive to social solidarity and the very possibility of human flourishing.

MacIntyre worked to develop a response to this dark predicament in his follow-up, Whose Justice? Which Rationality?, and the rest of his intellectual life. Through wide-ranging engagements with philosophy, history, and literature, he proposed a return to a kind of Thomistic-Aristotelian understanding of human nature. (MacIntyre himself was a convert to Catholicism.) The core idea is that human beings can flourish only in communities that recognize and enable the realization of certain kinds of goods — like chess, say, or teaching, or fishing, or the goods of friendship and family life — that have their own, tradition-based internal standards of evaluation.

Such communities train their members in the virtues, “those qualities that enable agents to identify both what goods are at stake in any particular situation and their

relative importance in that situation and how that particular agent must act for the sake of the good and the best,” as he put it in his last book, Ethics in the Conflicts of Modernity (2016). And the defense (or recreation) of such virtue-enabling communities requires resisting the commodifying market logic of contemporary capitalism.

After Virtue and MacIntyre’s later works deserve serious questioning. Philosophers have criticized his historical argument — claiming, for instance, that many of the moral concepts inherited by modern Europeans were not as dependent on Aristotelian teleology as MacIntyre alleges. More generally, it is doubtful that MacIntyre has a convincing argument for why there could not be, in principle, a secular justification of morality that might secure wide assent. To my mind, the influential contractualist approach defended by T. M. Scanlon in What We Owe to Each Other (1998), which defines moral obligation in terms of principles that fairly balance individuals’ objectively defined interests, is a promising direction.

When it comes to the thinker’s positive views, we might worry that a return to a tradition-based virtue ethics would, in practical terms, stifle individual liberty. MacIntyre himself has disavowed contemporary political conservatism. But it is not entirely coincidental that his work has been cited by “postliberal” right-wingers like Patrick Deneen to argue for a return to restrictive sexual and social mores, opposing gay marriage and advocating for making it harder for married couples to divorce.

Many on the political left could agree with MacIntyre’s criticism of the corrosive effects of capitalism and its attendant hyper-individualism, and on the need for the recovery of a notion of common goods. But socialists are likely to find his practical proposals, such as they are, wanting. In this later work, inspired by Catholic social teaching, he seems to advocate for a localist defense of community life, noncommodified practices, and cooperative enterprise. Yet the prospects of isolated, local efforts at successfully resisting the encroachment of global capitalism look very bleak. Worker-owned co-ops, for instance, struggle to thrive in the context of privately controlled finance and in the face of competition from capitalist firms. And addressing crises like climate change requires economic transformation on a much larger scale.

MacIntyre’s localism is bound up with his rejection of Marxism. In After Virtue, he accused the Marxist tradition of failing to overcome the liberal individualism of the broader culture; when they needed to take explicit moral stances, Marxists fell back on (to his mind) bankrupt utilitarian and Kantian theories.

In Ethics in the Conflicts of Modernity, MacIntyre charged more concretely that Marxists had failed to articulate a vision of the transition beyond capitalism that would avoid the tyranny associated with actually-existing socialist states and explain “how from their starting point they could arrive at what was . . . most needed, a series of genuinely local political initiatives through which the possibilities of a grassroots distribution and sharing of power and property could be achieved.” He claimed, too, that the Marxist focus on the working class as the agent of social change was misplaced, since capitalism undermines the ability of all people to flourish.

These criticisms are not convincing. To the last point: it may be that even the Elon Musks and Mark Zuckerbergs of the world would be better off, in some ways, in a more egalitarian, less commodified society. But it is the (by comparison) extreme material injustices and deprivation suffered by workers — as well as their numerical strength and their economic power at the point of production — that is why Marxists believe the working class is the social agent with both the interest in overcoming capitalism and the capacity to do so.

The other questions — about the moral foundations of Marxist theory and the nature of the transition to socialism — are more compelling. Marxists have paid inadequate attention to the normative basis of their theory, and developing a worked-out account of our moral principles remains a key task. The same goes for our vision of the transition to a just democratic-socialist society. A big part of such a vision, though, must be worked out in practice by socialists and fellow travelers attempting to organize at the grassroots in workplaces and local communities as well as contending for state power at the ballot box.

Still, MacIntyre’s major preoccupations — the moral depredations of capitalist modernity and its individualist ethos, and the need for a different ethical framework to support an alternative form of social organization — are among the most pressing questions for intellectuals today. And MacIntyre left us a substantial, fascinating, and provocative body of work to help us grapple with them.

Great Job Nick French & the Team @ Jacobin Source link for sharing this story.

Unpopular Opinion: Let College Students Cheat with ChatGPT

Sarah and I talked about this ChatGPT stuff on the Secret pod, in addition to talking about Harvard, LaMonica McIver, and Trump’s South Africa meeting.

The show is here.

Can you tell our art director saw Mission Impossible: The Final Reckoning last night? (The Bulwark / Midjourney)

We talked about this New York magazine story briefly yesterday, but I want to go deep on it today. Short version: Kids in high school and college are using AI to do their homework, write their essays, and take their tests at a scale you can’t believe.

Cheating with ChatGPT in 2025 is like smoking pot in 1975. Everyone is doing it.

Is this good? Or bad? I have complicated thoughts. And what I really want from today is a conversation with you guys, in the comments.

Let’s ride.

Cards on the table: My college experience looked absolutely nothing like what is described in this piece.

The New York article talks almost exclusively with students who write papers and essays.

I wrote one paper in college. It was for a graduate-level immunobiology course and it was highly technical. I can’t be certain, but I do not believe I read a single book in college. Not a real book, anyway. Textbooks and scientific articles? Sure. I went through them by the dozen. But a book with prose in it?

Zero.

I spent all of my time in labs and working on problem sets. Math. P-chem. Orgo. Physics. We’d have problem sets to turn in every week. Tests a couple times a semester. And then finals.

ChatGPT would have been of no use to me. I could have used AI to help with problem sets, I suppose. But then I would have had to check everything by hand anyway, since these were questions with right and wrong answers. And the exams?

AI would have been utterly useless. We sat in a lecture hall for three hours, staring at exam packets filled with equations and formulas and chemical reactions and had to solve them with nothing but the Holy Spirit and a pencil.

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I understand that my experience was not the universal one. But we can start by observing that, generally speaking, there are two branches of study: Real subjects STEM and fake subjects liberal arts.

AI poses some challenges to STEM education, especially in computer science, where it can be used to write code. But in the main, kids can’t use ChatGPT to get around differential equations or fluid dynamics, because at the end of the day you have to sit in a room with a pencil and solve equations. You can either do that, or you can’t.

But liberal arts studies? That’s the nightmare. Legitimately, I cannot think of a way to stop AI from completely disrupting liberal arts education.

And yet, I’m not sure that’s a bad thing? In fact, I’m kind of on the side of the cheaters? I’m Ron Burgundy?

Let’s talk about it.

Great Job Jonathan V. Last & the Team @ The Bulwark Source link for sharing this story.